African Leaders Perspectives on China’s Global Initiatives – A bowl of mixed reaction

This week, from 3 to 8 September 2024, Chinese state representatives met with African leaders at the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC 2024) also dubbed China-Africa summit 2024, China’s main platform for African engagement. Reactions to China’s global initiatives remain mixed among African leaders. 

Over the past few decades, the Chinese government has supported various initiatives to expand China’s global footprint. A key strategy in this regard has been intensifying involvement in the African continent. China is now poised to become Africa’s largest trading partner, something which has elicited extensive debates in academia and the international community alike. Concerns regarding the relationship between China and Africa and China’s role in African development have been especially prominent. While critics, especially Western media regard China as an irresponsible global power, a neocolonial force, that exploits African resources in pursuance of a hidden geopolitical agenda, a fair fraction of African leaders have a different opinion.

A number of African leaders from central to western Africa have embraced China’s major initiatives, notably the Chinese model of development ,one that emphasises delivering development goals with little interference in the domestic politics. Some of the key countries that are in the embrace of this particular model include Senegal, Ivory Coast and Mali.

President Paul Kagame of Rwanda, in an interview with the CNN said, “China’s influence is growing globally, and the US America itself, along with the whole of Europe are hand in glove with China , and rushing there for business. In the same regard, Africa should be free to transact business in it’s own interest ,regardless of where the business partner comes from.”

For the case of Senegal, President Macky Sall has been increasingly close to Xi Jinping in recent years, in 2022, he hosted the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation Dakar, which came up with an action plan that was endorsed by African countries. Their relationships blossomed at the height of Sall’s reign and head of the African Union.

The tenet of the deal here included noninterference in internal affairs, opposition to unilateral sanctions, and “indivisible security,” implying that China’s security cannot be de-linked from the security of its partners. On many occasions, Sall has publicly said that Senegal would work with China for “common development in the spirit of equality, friendship, solidarity and coordination.”

Geopolitically, Africa has vast natural resources and a large population, with new technologies, innovative growth, and development opportunities being created through intensive investments in infrastructure. However, creating a great leap forward for Africa in growth and development has stagnated for decades, notwithstanding the billions of dollars the continent receives through aid and development financing from Western capitals. According to the IMF, the causes of Africa’s stagnation include a wide range of internal weaknesses, a hostile external economic environment, and, in recent years, climatic factors.

To this end, China’s global initiatives have intensified at a time when African countries are already shifting their gaze from the Western-dominated hegemony towards the East to emerging and re-emerging powers for partnerships. Such moves must however be measured to avoid moving from one unhappy partnership to another. It is no secret that African countries have long been discontent with the existing multilateral system dominated by the Western Superpowers, which they joined as rule-takers from a vast colonial territory. There is much in the history and contemporary experiences of African partnerships with the West that the countries of the continent are right to exercise caution as they open up to China.

Some African scholars have attempted to equate China’s global initiatives to the Grand Strategy of the U.S. post-WWII in its international significance and objectives. The U.S. over this period established multilateral financial institutions including the IMF and the World Bank, and supranational institutions including the United Nations. The US also initiated the Marshall Plan to promote regional economic growth, NATO as the regional security framework, and the Bretton Woods system to establish the U.S. dollar standard for the global monetary system. China has built a comparable multilateral regional framework over this period, very similar to the grand strategy of the U.S. post-WWII. There is also much speculation about the total scale of investment under China’s global initiatives.

Global Development Initiatives

China’s Global Development Initiative (GDI) was first put forward by President Xi Jinping in 2021. Declaring that “no country can develop alone” and that “we need to discuss development together,” Xi proclaimed at the launch of the initiative in September 2021. This initiative seeks to bring together countries and international organizations to enhance a sense of community for global development. Co-sponsored by China, Senegal, and the 77th group of developing countries, the GDI aims to fast-track the UN’s 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.Its core requirement is a people-centered approach, its foremost philosophy is united, equal, balanced, and inclusive global development partnerships, and its pivotal measure entails results-oriented actions to bolster stronger, greener, and healthier global development and jointly build a global community of development.

More than 100 nations and numerous international organizations, including the United Nations and many African nations, have endorsed the GDI one year after its founding. Kenya was one of the first African partners to sign a GDI cooperation document with China, and the Kenyan President William Ruto has on several occasions hailed China for the mutually beneficial partnership. South Africa, which is also a member of the BRICS is another Sub-Saharan African country whose leaders have been unequivocal in strongly supporting both China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and GDI. Broadly, African leaders expect benefits related to cheaper local infrastructure development and low-condition future loans to counteract the western influence on African development. However, there are perceived risks in relation to Africa’s reduced leverage over possible Chinese default and debt-equity. On this risk, President Paul Kagame believes that African leaders would only have themselves to blame, if these problems came to bear.

In South Africa’s case, leaders also refer to “win-win cooperation” developmental opportunities under the GDI framework and are on the whole positive towards this initiative, although they would like to avoid falling into a new type of colonialism. On the other hand, the Ghanaian President challenges the GDI proposal due to fears of threats from the Western-backed IMF and possible debt-trap diplomacy risks.

Some African countries feel that the GDI will bring opportunities to overcome “financing, capacity, technological, and experience gaps.” It is perceived to level the playing field by countering the conditionalities and geopolitical agendas attached to the investments from the West. African leaders praised China for promoting mutual respect and win-win cooperation in economic development. The GDI is by no means a stand-alone undertaking, and its compatibility with the African Union’s Vision 2063 and Agenda 2063, and continental development programs such as the Programme for Infrastructural Development in Africa and the African Continental Free Trade Area, is strongly emphasized. It is upon this background that leaders perceive China’s development initiative as a move to improve the global governance system.

Leaders contemplate that China's proposed initiative on global governance reform could have positive implications for African interests in the system. Despite grievances toward China, African leaders emphasize mutual benefits in most dimensions of engagement. Therefore, while there are mixed perspectives by African leaders towards China’s GDI, the perceptions are largely positive, and enthusiastic.

Global Security Initiative

Through the Global Security Initiative (GSI), China seeks to work with the international community in upholding the spirit of the UN Charter. The GSI calls for a "comprehensive, cooperative, and sustainable security" approach and consists of six points. China has significantly promoted this initiative since its announcement, including a special address by President Xi at the opening ceremony of the African Union (AU) Assembly in February 2023. While African scholars and policymakers have been underrepresented in this discourse on GSI, the initiative has been met with skepticism by some researchers, think tanks, and media worldwide.

China has been playing a prominent role in promoting peace and stability in Africa by conducting peacekeeping operations across the continent. Over the last decade, China has ranked among the top ten contributors of both personnel and funding to the United Nations peacekeeping operations globally and has deployed over two thousand personnel to five UN peacekeeping operations in Africa

Research as stated by different scholars revealed a strong preference among African leaders for non-Western security cooperation with China. Once GSI-compatible security partners had been identified, African leaders identified specific areas of cooperative action with China under the GSI framework. These included: (1) expansion of the African Standby Force (ASF) initiative, (2) expanded partnership in Africa’s blue economy, and (3) establishment of a China-Africa Health Cooperation Mechanism involving a Fund for GSI Implementation. These issues were also discussed during the second GSI conference held in Addis Ababa, in December 2022. Other areas of focus, not directly inspired by the GSI, included deepening military-to-military relations and expanding exchanges and contacts of security agencies. The narratives of Africa’s rising security partnership with non-Western nations such as China and Russia, amid continued neglect by the West, call for further research to examine the implications for overall African security on a regional basis.

Africa recognizes or calls for the removal of constraints affecting China's ability to promote a multi-polar world as opposed to a uni-polar world. African leaders note that power contestation by great powers must be regulated in a manner that guarantees stability. Some African leaders feel that current challenges to the security order by China should not come at the expense of African security concerns. Chinese leaders are called on to have a clearer understanding of Africa's material and security needs

Global Cultural Initiative (GCI)

The Global Civilization Initiative proposes common values for humanity, including peace, development, fairness, justice, democracy, and freedom. It aims to foster dialogue among civilizations, address cultural issues, and promote mutual understanding while opposing confrontation and cultural supremacy. The Initiative recognizes the need for inclusive international governance to support economic development, maintain peace, and ensure cooperation among all civilizations. Accelerated exchanges and cooperation among civilizations are essential for a more just and reasonable international order. The Initiative emphasizes solidarity and cooperation between peoples and states.

The interactions between African civilizations and China date back to before the era of colonialism. The period between the 3rd century AD and the mid-1800s was a golden age of development for both African and Chinese civilizations. Employment of direct sea routes by Arab traders connected the interior regions of Africa with China, resulting in rich exchanges of culture, technology, and commodities. The sea routes from the East African coast toward the Asian continent were linked with the Spice Islands, India, and China. Many records show that ships departed from the ports of Africa towards China annually at a certain season.

African leaders view the Global Civilization Initiative as positive for Africa. They believe it will offer inspiration for Africa’s development and address global governance issues. African leaders recognize the potential challenges and difficulties posed by the Initiative but view it as an opportunity for international exchanges, especially between China and Africa. They emphasize the importance of dialogue among civilizations and maintaining cultural diversity. Most African leaders view the Initiative positively, believing it aligns with African values. They see the Initiative as a means to enhance artistic collaboration between Africa and China. One African leader points out the importance of fostering empathy to bridge cultural differences through mutual sharing.

By sharing similarities among different nations, cultures, or ethnic groups, it will be easier to identify common interests and areas for peaceful coexistence. Most African leaders appreciate China's efforts to enhance cooperation between China and Africa and value China's ongoing support and assistance to African development. Hence Africa and the Global South are in the position to grasp the full utopian promise of the GCI as envisioned by China.

Conclusion and feature prospects

Notwithstanding the skepticism of some African leaders and scholars about China’s three global initiatives, most leaders are optimistic about the positive impact these initiatives are having globally and on the African continent in particular. Concerns have been encountered regarding whether the less developed African countries are overly relying on China, and whether China is becoming a new imperial power in Africa. These are geared towards making sure that the continent benefits from the relationship with China. It is also clear from the rhetoric that many African leaders exhibit a preference for China’s development initiatives over similar measures from the west. It remains to be seen whether Africa will emerge as a winner of the clash between Western and Eastern development initiatives.

Teenage Pregnancies Soar as Climate Induced Floods Uproot More Families in Kasese District

Diana Taremwa Karakire

Kasese District-Uganda

                   Glacial fed river Nyamwamba has been bursting it's banks more frequently in recent years 2020  Photo Source: NewVision

Kasese district in Western Uganda has recently gained notoriety for its deadly floods blamed on severe weather events in the region. But, there is also a new phenomenon, the once copper-rich district has one of the highest rates of teenage pregnancy in the country, with 40% of girls pregnant by the age of 18 as of 2022, and climate change has become one of the drivers.

 Rehema Alema Namale uses a megaphone to summon teenage mothers in Muhokya camp -for people displaced by flooding in Kasese district.Image by Diana Taremwa Karakire

 On a hot and humid day in Muhokya internally displaced people’s camp,located about 10 km south of Kasese, young teenage mothers gather in a ram-shackled classroom,they have been summoned by the chairperson incharge of the settlement via  a megaphone.

One by one, they make their way out of makeshift houses made of mud and tattered tarpaulins. In the tiny room, 12- to 16-year-old mothers breastfeed their babies, while others are heavily pregnant.

“Most of the teenagers here often fall pregnant due to lack of sex education,” says Rehema Alema Namale, who was appointed chairperson of the camp.

I count, there are roughly 15 teenage mothers, demonstrating how crises can escalate. After being uprooted from the safety of their homes by catastrophic floods brought on by River Nyamwamba in 2020, they were pushed into a settlement where they have fallen victim to child-to-child sex, rape, child marriage and prostitution.

16-year-old Triphen Muhindo is sprawled out on a mat with her one-year-old baby, Biira, sitting on her lap. Biira is crying and tugging at her mother's blouse. In response, Muhindo clicks her tongue. Muhindo is a primary five school dropout. She lives with her parents and got pregnant while in the camp.

               16 year old Triphen Muhindo and her baby - Muhokya Camp- Kasese district

“I needed basic needs like clothes and pads.My parents couldn't provide them. So I decided to get a boyfriend and ended up pregnant,” said Muhindo ,who was prematurely plunged into the world of adults.

For 15 year old Mary Kabubo, life has never been the same ever since she discovered she was pregnant.She misses school ; she used to study at Bulembeya Secondary school, which was destroyed by floods. She was working at a restaurant in Kasese town where a man approached her and asked her to be his girlfriend.

15-year-old Mary Kabubo, life has never been the same ever since she discovered she was pregnant.She misses school

"I was happy. I thought my fortunes had turned. He always gave me money that I used to buy food for my four younger siblings who were always at home hungry," said Kabubo. However, once he discovered that she was pregnant, he vanished. Now, she spends her days hiding inside their makeshift home.

Winnie Masika , now 16, gave into the advances of a man she met in the market who offered her Ugx 100,000.She saw a chance to get the same shoes her friends were wearing.“I didn’t know I could get pregnant from having sexual intercourse,” she said, breast-feeding seven-month-old Eliza. When Masika fell pregnant, she was flabbergasted. 

 

 

 Winnie Masika , now 16, gave into the advances of a man she met in the market who offered her Ugx 100,000

 The camp has only one midwife who is unavailable most of the time. Pregnant mothers in most cases give birth from from inside the barely hygienic houses. Just next to the camp is a Muhokya health center three but the teenage mothers say that nurses at the hospital refuse to attend to them.

 

 Muhokya Heath Centre three . Teenage mothers say that nurses at the hospital refuse to attend to them

 

“ They treat us like outsiders and don’t want to attend to us. Sometimes they ask for past medical records that we lost during the floods or money that we don’t have,” said Masika.

 Conditions in Muhokya camp are notoriously poor. Basic sanitation facilities, such as hand washing facilities and toilets, are lacking , which contributes to the risk of disease spreading. Namale says that parents are concerned about the increase in teenage pregnancies in the camp.

“Life here is hard, especially raising girls in this condition.We can’t stay home and protect them. We shall go hungry!”

 

 

Makeshift houses made of mud and tattered tarpaulins dot the area-Muhokya camp

 For work, most camp denizens travel to Kasese to do casual labor while others work as farm hands in gardens.

 “We cannot till the land here, it’s not ours.We depend on donations from government and well wishers , sometimes they come ,sometimes they don’t,” said Namale.

 For Kasese district whose teenage pregnancy rates are among the highest in the country, climate related disasters have become another significant driving factor .The Uganda Demographic and Health survey 2022,shows that the district still has high numbers of pregnant young girls below the age of 18 years,with over 7,000 teenage pregnancies.Among the causes cited include; lack of sex education,school dropout, child marriages and inadequate access to sexual reproductive services tailored for young people.At 24%, Uganda still has one of the highest rates of teenage pregnancy East Africa.

 

 Teenage childbearing is higher in rural areas (25%) than in urban areas (21%). Adolescents engage in sex due to poverty, lack of education, domestic violence, and peer pressure.

 Faizo Muhindo, the Kasese District Probation and Social Welfare Officer, sympathizes with Namale and the other women and girls at Muhokya camp, but he says that the district lacks resources to cater to all of their needs.

“Government through the office of the prime minister has been planning to compensate them by buying for them land for relocation , but I don’t know why this is taking long,” he said.

For more than three years, the people in Muhokya camp have been waiting for a resettlement package promised by various government officials. Until the government allocates resources to compensate and resettle them, there’s not much they can do but wait.

Climate change is a reality in Uganda.Droughts, extreme heat, flooding, landslides and increased exposure to disease are all linked to climate change .Data from the Uganda Meteorological Department indicates that since the 1960s, average temperatures have increased by about 1.3° Celsius a phenomenon that has caused glaciers on the Rwenzori ranges -also known as the mountains of the moon to melt and recede.UNESCO says that a third of the 50 World Heritage sites that contain glaciers, including the Rwenzoris, will disappear by 2050 no matter what actions are taken to slow global warming.

 River Nyamwamba has been carrying more water downstream wreaking havoc on communities in the lowlands.

 As the air that hangs above the Rwenzori ranges gets warmer, melting glaciers have led to overflow and flooding of major rivers in Kasese particularly River Nyamwamba which emerges from the mountains on it’s way to L.George in the Albertine rift.

In recent times,Nyamwamba has been carrying more water downstream wreaking havoc on communities in the lowlands.Several lives have been lost ,gardens and homes destroyed.In may the river burst its banks twice.This situation is exacerbated by the degradation of fragile ecosystems through deforestation and illicit sand mining, on mountain slopes and riverbanks.

 

The 2020 floods that uprooted Namale and her neighbors were the worst on record, according to a 2022 Kasese district disaster report.These affected 9,916 households, 48947 people, with about 80% being children and major infrastructure notably, Kilembe Mines hospital.

 

Kilembe Mines Hospital has not been operational ever since it was affected by floods in 2020

For Namale, who once lived in Nyamwamba division-at the foot of Mt. Rwenzori, memories of what happened are still fresh. Her once towering 4 bed roomed house was destroyed by the floods, shattering her dreams of sheltering her 9 children. She now owes a community bank around 5million Uganda shillings which she had borrowed to set up the house. She frowns her face as she recounts events leading up to the disaster.

 

The May 2020 Nyamwamba floods were the worst on record affecting around 9,916 households and 48947 people.

 

 “We woke up to people screaming loudly and running everywhere. Too much water carrying huge stones was gushing from the mountains,” she recalls. “We grabbed a few belongings and started running. It’s a miracle that we survived.”

 

Worries of more destruction and deaths from floods and landslides have prompted government to formulate a relocation plan to move and resettle communities from at-risk mountainous areas of Mt Rwenzori, however, implementation of the plan remains slow due to resource constraints.

Other interventions have included desilting and restoration of the river Nyamwamba catchment to contain flooding.Desilting is a type of dredging activity that focuses on removing sediment, silt, and debris from the bottom of water bodies like rivers to make them deeper and less prone to overflowing.Two years ago, government secured funding from the World Bank to desilt 5.4 kilometers of the critical catchment areas of the river.

 

 Several lives were lost and property destroyed in Nyamwamba division -Kasese district

 According to United Nations Population Fund Uganda,women and girls are among the worst affected during climate-induced disasters .These often disrupt education and access to health services increasing unplanned pregnancies .lack of education and health services means that girls understanding of their own sexual and reproductive health is also limited.In cases where people are displaced forced into camps, sexual violence,child marriages and other harmful practices also tend to rise.

Uganda’s Climate change Act 2021 is gender sensitive.It advocates for gender mainstreaming in climate change adaptation and mitigation programmes but implementation remains a challenge as the gender-ed effects of climate disasters are often disregarded during response and recovery.

“These environment disasters affect everybody but there are subgroups that need special attention,” said Irene Twongeirwe technical lead -climate at Women for Green Economies. “Any kind of response has to prioritize women and girls sexual and reproductive health needs”

 

The subject of climate change and how to assist victims of climate change through the Loss and Damage fund was a dominant topic at the COP28 Climate Conference in Dubai last year. Beatrice Anywar, Uganda’s environment minister noted that climate change is now the main driver of human displacement across East and the horn of Africa, and urged developed countries to step up funding for displacement projects.

 

“We must address the climate-induced migrations, especially among poor nations like Uganda,” she said. “As a country with an open refugee policy, it’s a shame that we don’t have enough funds to look after our own people”

The World Bank projects that 11 percent of the population could move within Uganda because of slow onset climate factors, without concrete climate and development action by 2050.

 

 Latest data from the International Organisation for Migration Uganda shows that as of March 2024, 426 people representing 91 households have been internally displaced by climate-induced disasters including heavy storms/hailstorms and floods.Source:IOM

 

“Government should integrate migration issues into policies and action plans on climate change at the national and local levels ,” said Edwin Mumbere,director at Center for Citizens Conserving Environment & Management, a local non-profit in Kasese that is supporting communities living on mountain slopes to adopt sustainable farming practices.  “International support can also help offset the financial burden of loss and damage experienced by communities in Kasese”

 

Protesters outside the Uganda High Commission in London urging Uganda’s president not to sign a law targeting LGBT organisations . Credit:

Dinendra Haria / Alamy Stock Photo.

Gender and Sexuality Amidst the Climate Crisis In Uganda.

Discriminatory gender and social norms ensure women and sexual and gender minorities in Uganda face disproportionate impacts from climate change and have the fewest resources to cope. Both groups experience discrimination, systemic violence, restricted access and ownership of land, lower income and fewer opportunities, while minority communities also face persecution, social stigma and discriminatory laws. All of these factors drive higher vulnerability, reduced adaptation and mitigation capability, and further marginalises already marginalised people.

In eastern Uganda, particularly in the districts of Bududa and Mbale, persistent extreme weather conditions, such as frequent floods and landslides, have claimed hundreds of lives and property. In August 2022, flash flooding in Mbale district killed at least 29 people and displaced over 5,600 others. Marginalised women and gender and sexual diverse people in these areas are particularly at risk when disaster strikes.

Women and Climate Change

According to the UN, 80% of people displaced by climate change are women. Their roles as primary caregivers and providers of food and fuel make them more vulnerable when flooding and drought occur. The Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS) notes that women are responsible for 70-80% of agricultural production, as well as nutrition and food security at the family level. Bad and extreme weather conditions - which are increasing - or periods of prolonged drought mean that Ugandan women's traditional responsibilities become increasingly uncertain and dangerous. In rural areas this means girls and women must make more frequent and longer journeys in search of food, firewood and water which may lead to less time for any educational activities and attending training, less time to complete other household and family responsibilities, and makes them vulnerable to sexual assault and domestic violence (see: United Nations Development Programme). 

Women in Uganda own less land and have less secure land rights than men despite their crucial role in agriculture and food production. Uganda has a comprehensive land policy that grants all adults equal rights to own and co-own land, however in 2011 UBOS showed that as many as 61.3% of women do not own land and are only given access to it through husbands and male family members. Most land in Uganda is effectively preserved through customary arrangements that restrict women's land ownership. This limits women's ability to adapt to or mitigate the effects of climate change, while the day-to-day impacts of climate change make them more vulnerable to a diverse range of issues including gender-based violence and relying on precarious livelihoods. Important efforts are being made to address some of these challenges. For example, Kwatanisa Women Farmers Group, an organisation founded by 10 women in 2007, works to address issues of  food preservation, reforestation and afforestation aimed at reducing the effects of climate disasters on rural women.

The LGBTQ+ Community and Climate Change

Homophobic and transphobic laws and attitudes are widespread in Uganda, and LGBTQ+ people face persecution. The 1950 Penal Code prohibits same-sex sexual activity, in 2005 a constitution amendment was signed to prevent same-sex couples from marrying, and the 2019 Sexual Offences Bill sought to further criminalise same-sex relationships. Although the President did not give assent to the Bill, the fact it passed Parliament in May 2021 shows the continued hostility towards the LGBTQ+ community by those in positions of power. Due to discrimination and exclusion from social and family  networks, sexual and gender diverse people live in constant danger of harassment and abuse. These issues are  intensified as a result of relocation, insecurity, and loss of livelihoods caused by climate-related disasters and the implications of changing seasons and weather patterns. LGBTQ+ people frequently struggle economically in the face of harsh weather patterns, due both to a lack of resources and how competition for scarce resources often benefits those with higher social standing. Climate change also negatively impacts when and how many crops can be grown in a season, which impacts LGBTQ+ people harder, as they often have less access to land or places to turn for support. When landslides and floods hit mountainous areas of east and western Uganda, LGBTQ+ people cannot access the same assistance and relief as others because they are viewed as criminals.

 

Lack of recognition of same sex couples under Ugandan law exposes such couples to the risk of not enjoying equal protection of rights in case of environmental disasters. For example, land acquisition and resettlement practices have evolved to entitle couples to have rights to compensation before their land is given away. The same rights are not extended to same sex couples. Meanwhile, assistance programmes tend to have specific ideas of ‘the family’ and gender, which sexual and gender diverse people do not match, often leading to their exclusion.

  

Despite these challenges, the LGBTQ+ community in Uganda have taken the initiative to inform, organise and act in response to climate change through training programmes and workshops. For example, in 2022 Rights 4 Her Uganda carried out a dialogue with LBQ womxn on climate change and environmental issues, and their relationship to bodily autonomy and gender-based violence. The organisation also runs environmental academies to increase knowledge and understanding of climate change within the LGBTQ+ community. Ahead of COP27 in Egypt, Rights 4 Her Uganda’s Executive Director called for greater inclusion of LGBTQ+ people in climate change discussions and programmes in Uganda and beyond.

How is the Government responding?

In recent  years, the Government has increased efforts to mitigate and adapt to climate change: the Climate Change Department was established within the Ministry of Water and Environment to oversee and enforce climate action, and the National Climate Change Act 2021 hopes to help enable Uganda to meet its commitments under the 2015 Paris Agreement. The Government was intentional about gathering women's perspectives to inform the new Climate Change Act. Through meetings organised for women by the Ministry of Water and Environment, women's organisations such as the Uganda Women's Network were involved in reviewing and commenting on the draft law. As a result, gender issues and women's rights are mentioned in the Climate Change Act. For example, it calls for efforts on gender mainstreaming in climate change adaptation and mitigation programmes. However, the challenge is in putting law and policy into action. Vulnerable groups of people and the gendered effects of climate change are often disregarded during implementation. Additional efforts must be made to ensure that financial and technical resources are available for effective implementation and gender mainstreaming in climate change initiatives. These must acknowledge differing levels of vulnerability and ability to mitigate the impacts of climate change, while also promoting equal rights, opportunities, and treatment for all.